Friday, July 26, 2024

Harvard's Derek Bok Center for Teaching and Learning

 https://bokcenter.harvard.edu/online-resources

The Bok Center staff are always delighted to meet you in person to discuss your questions about teaching. We've compiled this knowledge base of ideas and best practices for those moments when all you need is a quick reference to plan your next lesson.

Setting Goals

How should you design the activities and assignments for your curriculum, your course, or your individual class period in order to give students the best chance of achieving the goals you've set for them?

In the Classroom

How can you plan lessons and engage with your students in and out of the classroom in a way that motivates them and helps them appreciate the value of your goals and your assignments?

A photo of people giving feedback on assignments

Assessing students' work and offering them feedback on their learning is one of the most important things an instructor does. How can you make sure that it feels like an opportunity for meaningful conversation, rather than a chore?

Getting Feedback

How can you find out what it is like to be a student in your own course? How can you process feedback constructively? How can you become a reflective practitioner?

Equitable & Inclusive Teaching

Universities have many terms for speaking about their values and the communities they hope to foster: diversity, inclusion, and belonging; justice, equality, and equity. What does it mean to teach in a way that recognizes and respects the values of all students?

Advising and Mentoring

Some of the most important teaching we do happens outside the classroom, in one-on-one and small group advising. How can we do this well?

Teaching and Your Career

What role will teaching play in your career? How can you invest in your professional development, and learn to talk about your teaching in a way that propels you forward in your job—and in your life?

Teaching Remotely

How can you create asynchronous resources and synchronous experiences that give your students a sense that they are learning meaningfully, in community with each other?

Teaching Tools

What kinds of tools and platforms are available to you and your students, and how can you adapt them to achieve your objectives in-person and/or online?

Science of Learning

What do we really know about how students learn, and how do we know it? How can you apply evidence-based pedagogy in your classroom?

Resources Around Campus

Download the Bok Center's handbooks, quick reference guides, tipsheets, and other publications!

Tuesday, July 23, 2024

Chicago Athletes

Some of the Best Pro Athletes to Hail From the Chicago Area
BY EDWARD ROBERT MCCLELLAND
DECEMBER 5, 2023

The Chicago area has produced more professional athletes than any city in the U.S. — a total of 1,061. That’s 494 football players, 387 baseball players, 155 basketball players, and 25 hockey players. Los Angeles only has 818, New York 546. We don’t have an explanation for why Chicago is the most athletic city in America, but we do have a list of the 10 best local athletes. 

Red Grange
Dick Butkus
Isiah Thomas
Kirby Puckett
Chris Chelios
George Mikan
Ricky Henderson
Dwayne Wade
Donovan McNabb
Shani Davis 
 
 
From Bleacher Report: Ranking the Best Basketball Players from Chicago (2020)

    Your opinion on location and duration may vary, and that's OK. Our focus is on players who spent their high school years in Chicago, especially those who grew up around the area too.

    Dwayne Wade
    Isiah Thomas
    Anthony Davis
    George Mikan 
    Maurice Cheeks
    Tim Hardaway
    Terry Cummings
    Mark Aguirre
    Derrick Rose
     

From Choose ChicagoHomegrown talent: Chicago’s all-time greatest basketball players.

NBA Draft First Pick Overall

Chicago-area first overall selection following Cazzie Russell (1966), LaRue Martin (1972), Mark Aguirre (1981) and Derrick Rose (2008).[137

Thursday, July 18, 2024

Mexican in Chicagoland

 From the Chicago Sun Times and WBEZ (2024), 

Chicago’s new 'Brown Belt' is populated by Mexican residents who help fuel the area economy, report says,

Researchers say Mexicans are concentrated in the low-wage workforce. They make up more than half of Chicago’s construction laborers and more than 71% of the city’s landscapers.

 
  Sept 18, 2024

Chicago’s Mexican residents — who are now the dominant group in 15 community areas — undergird the region’s low-wage workforce and make significant contributions to its economy and culture, argues a new report released this week.

The findings were highlighted Tuesday at the Latino Research Initiative 2024 Summit, organized by the Great Cities Institute at the University of Illinois Chicago.

“The story of this report is unmistakable: Mexicans were an unheralded part of Chicago’s industrial heyday, they have been a critical part of the city’s remarkable comeback in the post industrial service era, [and] Mexican youth represent a disproportionate share of Chicago’s future,” said Juan González, senior research fellow at the institute.

“It’s time policymakers and city leaders recognize the Mexican contribution to Chicagoland through actions, not just words.”

The report, Fuerza Mexicana: The Past, Present, and Power of Mexicans in Chicagoland, shows a big drop in the population from historic Mexican neighborhoods, like Pilsen and Little Village, and a move to other community areas, most on the Southwest Side.

Tens of thousands of longtime Mexican residents in Pilsen and Little Village were displaced by rising home prices and gentrification, according to the report, and many spread out to nearby neighborhoods. In 2000, six Chicago community areas had more than 50% Mexican population. That list has grown to 15, including a swath of Southwest Side neighborhoods covering Brighton Park, Archer Heights, McKinley Park and New City.

“There’s a ‘Brown Belt’ right here in Chicago,” Gonzalez said, referring to that cluster of communities.

Two Northwest Side neighborhoods, Belmont-Cragin and Hermosa, also have a more than 50% Mexican population.

The report also highlights rapid growth of the Mexican population outside Chicago. Data from the U.S. Census Bureau shows nearly two-thirds of area Mexicans live beyond the city’s borders — more than 450,000 in suburban Cook County and about 514,000 in Will, McHenry, Kane, DuPage and Lake counties. Kane County, which includes the cities of Elgin and Aurora, has the highest percentage of Mexicans among Illinois’ counties, making up more than 27% of its population, the report said.

Daysi Ximena Diaz-Strong, an assistant professor at UIC, said this growth has been years in the making.

“[Latinos] are an established, integral part of their communities [in the suburbs],” but it hasn’t been well documented, Diaz-Strong said. “There was a lack of data on their experiences.”

PARADE-091624-23.jpg

Researchers say the growth of the Mexican population in the region has helped Chicago’s economy, even if it has primarily meant low-wage jobs for this group of workers.

While some Mexicans have advanced degrees and moved into professional jobs, “the persistent ascriptive assignment of Mexican labor into certain industries and occupations at the lowest wages remains today,” according to the report. Researchers say Mexicans make up more than half of Chicago’s construction laborers, 44% of its cooks, 39% of its janitors, and more than 71% of the city’s landscapers.

“The ability and willingness of [Chicago’s] leaders to keep attracting low-wage Mexican and Latin Americans made possible the city’s economic resurgence,” said González. “Other big Rust Belt cities that did not follow that same approach — places like Cleveland, Detroit and Indianapolis — plummeted in population, economic influence and national economic strength and national influence.”

Other highlights of the report include data showing larger household sizes and a younger median age among Mexican residents compared to the rest of the population, as well as an increase in homeownership among Chicago area Mexicans. Poverty rates also have decreased among the community.

Researchers make several policy recommendations, including increasing affordable housing, helping small business owners, and increasing voter participation among Mexican residents.

The report was commissioned by some local organizations that said a lack of disaggregated data on the area’s Mexicans made it difficult to advocate for resources for the community.

Adrian Soto, executive director of the Greater Southwest Development Corporation, said the new research not only provides insight into the Mexican community, but also puts forth “action plans for us to really start tackling some of the critical issues in our community.”

Monday, July 15, 2024

A Sociological Response to J.D. Vance's Hillbilly Elegy

Before he made his foray into politics, JD Vance first garnered public attention for his book HillBilly Elegy (2016) which was a personal memoir of Vance's childhood wrapped in a damning cultural critique of impoverished, rural, Appalachian America. Vance's book release capitalized on the 2016 election after which everyone was looking for an explanation of the Trump win that they did not see coming.  However, in the haste to understand how so many working class and poor whites could support Trump, many readers failed to see the writing in between the lines in Vance's book.  

Vance's thesis is something like this: I made it out of rural poverty so anyone else can too if they try hard enough but they won't try hard enough because they are too lazy, addicted, and ignorant to try hard, but don't call them lazy, addicted, or ignorant because that will show that you are an elitist liberal.  Although his book was featured across the media and in book clubs and assigned for school readings, it never sat well with me. I have come to learn that it also didn't sit well with sociologists who study rural poverty and Appalachia.  Nor did it sit well with people actually from Appalachia.  Below is a selection of critiques of Vance's book. 


“And our place in the material economy is often linked to that in the pride economy. If we become poor, we have two problems. First, we are poor (a material matter), and second, we are made to feel ashamed of being poor (a matter of pride). If we lose our job, we are jobless (a material loss) and then ashamed of being jobless (an emotional loss). Many also feel shame at receiving government help to compensate that loss. If we live in a once-proud region that has fallen on hard times, we first suffer loss, then shame at the loss—and, as we shall see, often anger at the real or imagined shamers.”

 

The most complete rebuttal to J.D. Vance's Hillbilly Elegy is Appalachian Reckoning; A Region Responds to Hillbilly Elegy


It is an anthology written by a number of social scientists including sociologists as well as other humanities scholars. Here is a summary from the publisher's website,
With hundreds of thousands of copies sold, a Ron Howard movie in the works, and the rise of its author as a media personality, J. D. Vance’s Hillbilly Elegy: A Memoir of a Family and Culture in Crisis has defined Appalachia for much of the nation. What about Hillbilly Elegy accounts for this explosion of interest during this period of political turmoil? Why have its ideas raised so much controversy? And how can debates about the book catalyze new, more inclusive political agendas for the region’s future?

Appalachian Reckoning is a retort, at turns rigorous, critical, angry, and hopeful, to the long shadow Hillbilly Elegy has cast over the region and its imagining. But it also moves beyond Hillbilly Elegy to allow Appalachians from varied backgrounds to tell their own diverse and complex stories through an imaginative blend of scholarship, prose, poetry, and photography. The essays and creative work collected in Appalachian Reckoning provide a deeply personal portrait of a place that is at once culturally rich and economically distressed, unique and typically American. Complicating simplistic visions that associate the region almost exclusively with death and decay, Appalachian Reckoning makes clear Appalachia’s intellectual vitality, spiritual richness, and progressive possibilities.

Here is a partial table of contents:

Hillbilly Elitism by T. R. C. Hutton;

Social Capital by Jeff Mannp

Once Upon a Time in “Trumpalachia”: Hillbilly Elegy, Personal Choice, and the Blame Game by Dwight B. Billings

Stereotypes on the Syllabus: Exploring Hillbilly Elegy’s Use as an Instructional Text at Colleges and Universities by Elizabeth Catte

Benham, Kentucky, Coalminer / Wise County, Virginia, Landscape by Theresa Burriss

Panning for Gold: A Reflection of Life from Appalachia by Ricardo Nazario y Colón

Will the Real Hillbilly Please Stand Up? Urban Appalachian Migration and Culture Seen through the Lens of Hillbilly Elegy by Roger Guy

What Hillbilly Elegy Reveals about Race in Twenty-First-Century America by Lisa R. Pruitt

Prisons Are Not Innovation by Lou Murrey

Down and Out in Middletown and Jackson: Drugs, Dependency, and Decline in J. D. Vance’s Capitalist Realism by Travis Linnemann and Corina Medley


Here is an NY Times review of Appalachian Reckoning.


Additional critique of Hillbilly Elegy

From the New Republic, J.D. Vance, the False Prophet of Blue America
The bestselling author of "Hillbilly Elegy" has emerged as the liberal media's favorite white trash–splainer. But he is offering all the wrong lessons:
Elegy is little more than a list of myths about welfare queens repackaged as a primer on the white working class. Vance’s central argument is that hillbillies themselves are to blame for their troubles. “Our religion has changed,” he laments, to a version “heavy on emotional rhetoric” and “light on the kind of social support” that he needed as a child. He also faults “a peculiar crisis of masculinity.” This brave new world, in sore need of that old time religion and manly men, is apparently to blame for everything from his mother’s drug addiction to the region’s economic crisis.

“We spend our way to the poorhouse,” he writes. “We buy giant TVs and iPads. Our children wear nice clothes thanks to high-interest credit cards and payday loans. We purchase homes we don’t need, refinance them for more spending money, and declare bankruptcy, often leaving them full of garbage in our wake. Thrift is inimical to our being.”

And he isn’t interested in government solutions. All hillbillies need to do is work hard, maybe do a stint in the military, and they can end up at Yale Law School like he did. “Public policy can help,” he writes, “but there is no government that can fix these problems for us … it starts when we stop blaming Obama or Bush or faceless companies and ask ourselves what we can do to make things better.”

Set aside the anti-government bromides that could have been ripped from a random page of National Review, where Vance is a regular contributor. There is a more sinister thesis at work here, one that dovetails with many liberal views of Appalachia and its problems. Vance assures readers that an emphasis on Appalachia’s economic insecurity is “incomplete” without a critical examination of its culture. His great takeaway from life in America’s underclass is: Pull up those bootstraps. Don’t question elites. Don’t ask if they erred by granting people mortgages and lines of credit they couldn’t afford to repay. Don’t call it what it is—corporate deception—or admit that it plunged this country into one of the worst economic crises it’s ever experienced.


From Contexts (2019),

In Sociology of Race and Ethnicity, W. Carson Byrd conducts a theoretical case study of the book, which has achieved wide-reaching notoriety since its 2016 release. In particular, Byrd interrogates how Vance’s use of color-blind framing and White ignorance (the purposeful position of ignorance toward issues of racial inequality) makes his account palatable to Whites, despite targeting a segment of Whites.

Byrd argues that Vance’s book gained acceptance by presenting racial inequality as the natural result of blending genetic determinism and racial essentialism. Vance even adopts culture of poverty explanations for the position of Appalachian Whites that mimic those used to stereotype inner-city Blacks (since at least the Moynihan Report). Byrd also highlights that Vance explicitly asks readers to avoid using a racial lens as they interpret his story. Combined with its focus on micro-level explanations for pathological behaviors and inequality, Hillbilly Elegy effectively erases the racial makeup of Appalachia (making it seem White and homogenous), thus removing race from the equation to allow space for Vance (and readers) to retain their White ignorance.

Pointedly, Byrd warns that Vance’s color-blind accounts of the plight of Appalachian Whites paint both intraracial and interracial inequality as inevitable by sensationalizing and giving legitimacy to racist and biodeterminist explanations of inequality. Byrd is critical, too, of how rewarding this book and other accounts that are similarly dismissive about structural solutions could negatively impact efforts toward systematic analyses of and potential policy remedies for inequality.


From Arizona State Press,
REVIEW: THINKING ABOUT READING 'HILLBILLY ELEGY?' DON'T
The memoir depicting the Appalachian region pats negative stereotypes on the back
,

The book blames or, depending on how you read it, thanks the region for electing President Donald Trump but does so without breaking down voter suppression in the region and the lack of broadband internet for researching candidates....it doesn't seem fair to me to make broad generalizations about any region, something the book does and almost prides itself on. By doing so, you cut off that community from having a voice, from defending itself against first impressions...."Hillbilly Elegy" isn't profound. The book asserts that because one person made it out of "broken" Appalachia, everyone should be able, and is expected, to do the same. Its primary argument is that poor people suffer because they don't know any better....The book fails to recognize the cultural diversity of Appalachia...in the case of "Hillbilly Elegy," research wasn't a priority...Stereotypes aren't the full picture, and there are so many other resources with research and a multitude of perspectives. Don't read Vance's memoir and don't watch the movie when it gets added to Netflix. If you're truly interested in reading about an Appalachian experience, reach for "What You Are Getting Wrong About Appalachia" by Elizabeth Catte or "Ramp Hollow: The Ordeal of Appalachia" by Steven Stoll.


Friday, July 5, 2024

Chicago House Music: Culture and Community by Marguerite L. Harrold


Chicago House Music: Culture and Community by Marguerite L. Harrold 

Harrold explores the history of House Music as it started in Chicago and the important role that queer minorities played in it's development.

From the publisher,

An inside look at the music born, bred, and perfected in Chicago.

Chicago house music originated in the city’s Black, gay underground in the late seventies and became one of the most popular musical genres in the world by the end of the century. In Chicago House Music: Culture and Community, Marguerite Harrold tells the story of the genre’s rise and the prolific creators who have sustained it for decades. You’ll learn about house music’s early innovators, like Ron Hardy and Frankie Knuckles, who transformed the social and political turmoil around them into a revolution in dance music. You’ll also hear remembrances from contemporary figures in the house community, like DJ Lady D, Avery R. Young, Czboogie and Edgar “Artek” Sinio, who have forged new paths as the genre has evolved. It’s a story about much more than music—it’s about a community struggling for acceptance, love, liberation, and freedom, and about the creative pioneers whose resilience helped turn house music into a worldwide phenomenon.

Full of interviews and first-hand accounts from the people who stood behind the turntables, carried crates of records, or danced until dawn, Chicago House Music is the history of an art form that continues to be a force for social interaction, spiritual liberation, and community today. 


 Review from the Chicago Reader

Here is the author's playlist on Youtube.

From Greater Good Science Center, How Music Can Hold and Heal Us

Thursday, July 4, 2024

Chicago School Closings: Eve Ewing's Ghosts in the Schoolyard and Beyond Closure

Two insightful pieces of media that explore school closings in Chicago are Eve Ewing's book Ghosts in the Schoolyard and the 2024 documentary Beyond Closure.

Beyond Closure

Following the closure of 50 Chicago public schools in 2013, this documentary explores a pivotal moment in U.S. history, addressing issues of inequity and injustice. Through the stories of #Emmet, #Woods and #Overton schools, it highlights community self-determination and the journey of redevelopment. Join us in reflecting on the impact and resilience of these communities. 

The film focuses on Emmet Elementary in Austin, Woods Academy in Englewood, and Overton Elementary in Bronzeville, highlighting how the communities around these former institutions have banded together to transform these spaces into community powerhouses. Featuring insights from local experts like WBEZ's Sarah Karp, Alden Loury, and racial justice advocate Niketa Brar, "Beyond Closure" chronicles the innovative and resilient spirit of residents who are redefining the purpose of these buildings to serve new roles in their communities. For educators, policymakers, students, and members of the South and West side communities, the "Beyond Closure" documentary provides a profound look into the collective efforts driving these transformations. 


Ghosts in the Schoolyard


Dr. Eve Ewing is a sociologist at the University of Chicago.  Her book, Ghosts in the School Yard details the closing of Chicago Public schools and the effect on their communities.  Ewing is able to convey both the meaning and function of these institutions in their communities, as well as the role that racism plays in closing them.

Her book is from the University of Chicago Press,
Ewing knows Chicago Public Schools from the inside: as a student, then a teacher, and now a scholar who studies them. And that perspective has shown her that public schools are not buildings full of failures—they’re an integral part of their neighborhoods, at the heart of their communities, storehouses of history and memory that bring people together.
Never was that role more apparent than in 2013 when Mayor Rahm Emanuel announced an unprecedented wave of school closings. Pitched simultaneously as a solution to a budget problem, a response to declining enrollments, and a chance to purge bad schools that were dragging down the whole system, the plan was met with a roar of protest from parents, students, and teachers. But if these schools were so bad, why did people care so much about keeping them open, to the point that some would even go on a hunger strike?
Ewing’s answer begins with a story of systemic racism, inequality, bad faith, and distrust that stretches deep into Chicago history. Rooting her exploration in the historic African American neighborhood of Bronzeville, Ewing reveals that this issue is about much more than just schools. Black communities see the closing of their schools—schools that are certainly less than perfect but that are theirs—as one more in a long line of racist policies.
The fight to keep them open is yet another front in the ongoing struggle of black people in America to build successful lives and achieve true self-determination.
Dr. Ewing's website.

From Goodreads.

Preview the book at Amazon.

Also, from PropublicaThe Unequal Effects of School Closings,
  • Enrollment Plunging: Since the pandemic began, public school enrollment has declined by a million students nationwide, as many have switched to private schools and homeschooling.
  • City Schools Are Closing: Rochester, New York, is shutting 11 of its 45 schools. In Seattle, parents expect 20 elementary schools will close. In Columbus, Ohio, nine schools may cease to operate.
  • Unequal Effects: Closings fall especially on majority-Black schools. As top students move to private and suburban schools, special-needs students are left behind in fewer city facilities.

Wednesday, July 3, 2024

From #BlackLivesMatter to Black Liberation by Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor

 Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor is a scholar of Black politics, social movements, and racial inequality in the United States.


Her book, from #BlackLivesMatter to Black Liberation won the Lannan Cultural Freedom Award for an Especially Notable Book in 2016.

The eruption of mass protests in the wake of the police murders of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri and Eric Garner in New York City have challenged the impunity with which officers of the law carry out violence against Black people and punctured the illusion of a postracial America. The Black Lives Matter movement has awakened a new generation of activists.

In this stirring and insightful analysis, activist and scholar Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor surveys the historical and contemporary ravages of racism and persistence of structural inequality such as mass incarceration and Black unemployment. In this context, she argues that this new struggle against police violence holds the potential to reignite a broader push for Black liberation.


Study & Discussion Guide


Here is a review from Muse:

FROM #BlackLivesMatter TO BLACK LIBERATION. By Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor. Chicago: Haymarket Books. 2016.

Similar to Herbert Marcuse's An Essay on Liberation (1969), Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor's latest contribution is a timely and much needed intervention. Both intellectually rigorous and accessible, From #BlackLivesMatter to Black Liberation is a historical exposition of the conditions that contributed to the reemergence of Black radicalism in the United States. It is also a persuasive case that #BLM's fight against racism must also be a fight against capitalism.

In chapter one, Taylor looks at the mutually reinforcing ideas of American exceptionalism and "culture of poverty." Through a meticulous analysis of public policy and political rhetoric, she explains that the manufactured connection between Black poverty and Black culture allows conservatives and liberals to portray America as a country where anyone can make it. The oppression experienced by Blacks is imagined as a failure of the Black family and Black role models, not a failure of the state. This absolves the federal government from intervening through social welfare.

In chapter two, Taylor locates the emergence of "colorblindness" as a reactionary political theory. For Taylor, this "ideological tool, initially wielded by conservatives in the Nixon era to resist the growing acceptance of 'institutional racism' as the central explanation for Black inequality," denies structural racism and perpetuates a politics that blames Blacks for their own suffering (17–18). With a careful attention to Black history, [End Page 114] Taylor looks at the ways that this narrative became dominant in the late 1960s after the decline of the radical Black power movements.

Chapter three, "Black Faces in High Places," makes the convincing case that more Black people in positions of power will do nothing to alleviate the institutional racism that permeates America. As she historicizes the rise of Black politicians, police chiefs, and elites Taylor evinces the reality that this "progress" has not blunted mass incarceration, police brutality, the destruction of public housing, and other areas where Black Americans suffer disproportionality. Chapter four elaborates the specifics of "The Double Standard of Justice" that exists in America. While chapter five, "Barack Obama: The End of an Illusion" builds on chapter three with an examination of Obama's failure to address "critical issues facing African Americans" (19). Chapters six and seven look at the rise of #BLM under the first Black president as a sign that Black Americans are again embracing "institutional racism" as a schematic for understanding reality. They are also engaging in forms of activism that diverge from party politics.

A central strength of #BlackLivesMatter is Taylor's meticulous demystification of the meritocratic myth that pervades American culture and politics. Like Michelle Alexander and Cedric Johnson, she utilizes demographic statistics, rhetorical analysis, and comparative-historical analysis to illuminate the new guises of institutional racism. Most importantly, she targets not just conservative politicians, but liberals like Obama and Al Sharpton who propagandize American exceptionalism, "culture of poverty" narratives, and meagre reformist policies that can be assimilated into a political-economy of racism and class privilege. Taylor's intelligent rebuke of prominent antiracist author Tim Wise alone makes her book worth reading.

Ultimately, Taylor makes a compelling final argument that antiracist movements must also be socialist. Capitalism is a system that disproportionality exploits minorities, but it is also a system that exploits people of all races and ethnicities. For Taylor, police are the repressive state apparatus that recreates class power as it systematically disem-powers and persecutes the poor. As Black Americans are overrepresented among the poorer classes, it is unsurprising that they are disproportionality targeted at a higher rate than whites. Yet, while it is important to recognize these disparities, such differences do "not say much about who benefits from the inequality of our society" (212). For Taylor, a political-economy built on slavery, mass incarceration, the destruction of the social welfare state, and wage slavery—"the pivot around which all other inequalities and oppressions turn" (206)—will not be disrupted by Black elites who represent the interests of the ruling class. It will only be challenged by an intersectional politics that sees Black liberation as part...


Here is Taylor, the author, discussing the book on Youtube in Berlin.


Here are notes from librarian, Laurie Taylor,

My brief notes are below on Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor’s From #BlackLivesMatter to Black Liberation. If anyone hasn’t read this book, please, please read it.

I’m 42, and From #BlackLivesMatter to Black Liberation is the best I’ve read for explaining and understanding where we all are in the world, the lies of neoliberalism, the problems of the past, the promise and potential for the future, and the need to imagine in order to be able to build a better world together. Normally, I blog notes on sections that I’m likely to quote; however, when the whole book is this relevant, this is complicated for notetaking. This post has been updated, and likely will have other updates as I process through this in my way. From #BlackLivesMatter to Black Liberation is highly readable and incredibly important.


Here is Keeanga's Ted Talk


Below is an excerpt (cross-posted in the Paris Review) from the author from his book, Fifty Years Since MLK,

In a posthumously published essay, Martin Luther King, Jr. pointed out that the “black revolution” had gone beyond the “rights of Negroes.” The struggle, he said, is “forcing America to face all of its interrelated flaws—racism, poverty, militarism and materialism. It is exposing the evils that are rooted deeply in the whole structure of our society. It reveals systemic rather than superficial flaws and suggests that radical reconstruction of society itself is the real issue to be faced.”

But it had not started out that way. Over the course of a decade, the black struggle opened up a deeper interrogation of U.S. society, and King’s politics traversed the same course.

Indeed, in the early 1960s, the Southern movement coalesced around the clearly defined demands to end Jim Crow segregation and secure the right of African Americans to unfettered access to the franchise. With clear targets and barometers for progress or failure, a broad social movement was able to uproot these systems of oppression. King was lauded as a tactician as well as someone who could articulate the grievances and aspirations of black Southerners. 

But despite the successful example of nonviolent civil disobedience across the South, it appeared to have little, if any, lasting impact on the edifice of racial discrimination that defined black life elsewhere. Indeed, the seeming permanence of black marginalization across the United States produced hundreds of urban uprisings in the middle of the 1960s. If King’s strategic genius in the South was deploying nonviolent civil disobedience to disarm Southern racists while coercing the political establishment into securing first-class citizen rights, it was a strategy that ultimately failed in cities such as Los Angeles, Chicago, Philadelphia, and Washington, D.C. In those places, obnoxious signs of Jim Crow were not the problem; rather, it was the insidious but obscured actions of the real-estate broker, the banker, the employer, the police officer, and other agents that maintained racial inequality.

As King’s attention drifted from the South to the entrenched northern ghettos, he faced denunciations and chastisement from former allies in the North. These people had supported him so long as he confined his demands to ending legal discrimination. Indeed, because Southern racism was rendered as antiquated and regressive, King was celebrated for helping to pull the South toward progress and modernity. But even as the civil rights movement was valorized for its intervention in the South, it was demonized when it brought its call for black power and liberation to the North—a dynamic that continues to the present day.